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TEXT: Obama’s speech to NAACP

The following is a transcript of President Obama’s speech to the NAACP Centennial Convention Thursday night in New York:

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. What an extraordinary night, capping off an extraordinary week, capping off an extraordinary 100 years at the NAACP. (Applause.)

So Chairman Bond, Brother Justice, I am so grateful to all of you for being here. It’s just good to be among friends. (Applause.)

It is an extraordinary honor to be here, in the city where the NAACP was formed, to mark its centennial. What we celebrate tonight is not simply the journey the NAACP has traveled, but the journey that we, as Americans, have traveled over the past 100 years. (Applause.)

It’s a journey that takes us back to a time before most of us were born, long before the Voting Rights Act, and the Civil Rights Act, Brown v. Board of Education; back to an America just a generation past slavery. It was a time when Jim Crow was a way of life; when lynchings were all too common; when race riots were shaking cities across a segregated land.

It was in this America where an Atlanta scholar named W.E.B. Du Bois — (applause) — a man of towering intellect and a fierce passion for justice, sparked what became known as the Niagara movement; where reformers united, not by color, but by cause; where an association was born that would, as its charter says, promote equality and eradicate prejudice among citizens of the United States.

From the beginning, these founders understood how change would come — just as King and all the civil rights giants did later. They understood that unjust laws needed to be overturned; that legislation needed to be passed; and that Presidents needed to be pressured into action. They knew that the stain of slavery and the sin of segregation had to be lifted in the courtroom, and in the legislature, and in the hearts and the minds of Americans.

They also knew that here, in America, change would have to come from the people. It would come from people protesting lynchings, rallying against violence, all those women who decided to walk instead of taking the bus, even though they were tired after a long day of doing somebody else’s laundry, looking after somebody else’s children. (Applause.) It would come from men and women of every age and faith, and every race and region — taking Greyhounds on Freedom Rides; sitting down at Greensboro lunch counters; registering voters in rural Mississippi, knowing they would be harassed, knowing they would be beaten, knowing that some of them might never return.

Because of what they did, we are a more perfect union. Because Jim Crow laws were overturned, black CEOs today run Fortune 500 companies. (Applause.) Because civil rights laws were passed, black mayors, black governors, and members of Congress served in places where they might once have been able [sic] not just to vote but even take a sip of water. And because ordinary people did such extraordinary things, because they made the civil rights movement their own, even though there may not be a plaque or their names might not be in the history books — because of their efforts I made a little trip to Springfield, Illinois, a couple years ago — (applause) — where Lincoln once lived, and race riots once raged — and began the journey that has led me to be here tonight as the 44th President of the United States of America. (Applause.)

Because of them I stand here tonight, on the shoulders of giants. And I’m here to say thank you to those pioneers and thank you to the NAACP. (Applause.)

And yet, even as we celebrate the remarkable achievements of the past 100 years; even as we inherit extraordinary progress that cannot be denied; even as we marvel at the courage and determination of so many plain folk — we know that too many barriers still remain.

We know that even as our economic crisis batters Americans of all races, African Americans are out of work more than just about anybody else — a gap that’s widening here in New York City, as a detailed report this week by Comptroller Bill Thompson laid out. (Applause.)

We know that even as spiraling health care costs crush families of all races, African Americans are more likely to suffer from a host of diseases but less likely to own health insurance than just about anybody else.

We know that even as we imprison more people of all races than any nation in the world, an African American child is roughly five times as likely as a white child to see the inside of a prison.

We know that even as the scourge of HIV/AIDS devastates nations abroad, particularly in Africa, it is devastating the African American community here at home with disproportionate force. We know these things. (Applause.)

These are some of the barriers of our time. They’re very different from the barriers faced by earlier generations. They’re very different from the ones faced when fire hoses and dogs were being turned on young marchers; when Charles Hamilton Houston and a group of young Howard lawyers were dismantling segregation case by case across the land.

But what’s required today — what’s required to overcome today’s barriers is the same as what was needed then. The same commitment. The same sense of urgency. The same sense of sacrifice. The same sense of community. The same willingness to do our part for ourselves and one another that has always defined America at its best and the African American experience at its best. (Applause.)

And so the question is, where do we direct our efforts? What steps do we take to overcome these barriers? How do we move forward in the next 100 years?

The first thing we need to do is make real the words of the NAACP charter and eradicate prejudice, bigotry, and discrimination among citizens of the United States. (Applause.) I understand there may be a temptation among some to think that discrimination is no longer a problem in 2009. And I believe that overall, there probably has never been less discrimination in America than there is today. I think we can say that.

But make no mistake: The pain of discrimination is still felt in America. (Applause.) By African American women paid less for doing the same work as colleagues of a different color and a different gender. (Laughter.) By Latinos made to feel unwelcome in their own country. (Applause.) By Muslim Americans viewed with suspicion simply because they kneel down to pray to their God. (Applause.) By our gay brothers and sisters, still taunted, still attacked, still denied their rights. (Applause.)

On the 45th anniversary of the Civil Rights Act, discrimination cannot stand — not on account of color or gender; how you worship or who you love. Prejudice has no place in the United States of America. That’s what the NAACP stands for. That’s what the NAACP will continue to fight for as long as it takes. (Applause.)

But we also know that prejudice and discrimination — at least the most blatant types of prejudice and discrimination — are not even the steepest barriers to opportunity today. The most difficult barriers include structural inequalities that our nation’s legacy of discrimination has left behind; inequalities still plaguing too many communities and too often the object of national neglect.

These are barriers we are beginning to tear down one by one — by rewarding work with an expanded tax credit; by making housing more affordable; by giving ex-offenders a second chance. (Applause.) These are barriers we’re targeting through our White House Office on Urban Affairs, through programs like Promise Neighborhoods that builds on Geoffrey Canada’s success with the Harlem Children’s Zone — (applause) — that foster a comprehensive approach to ending poverty by putting all children on a pathway to college, and giving them the schooling and after-school support that they need to get there. (Applause.)

I think all of us understand that our task of reducing these structural inequalities has been made more difficult by the state and structure of our broader economy; an economy that for the last decade has been fueled by a cycle of boom and bust; an economy where the rich got really, really rich, but ordinary folks didn’t see their incomes or their wages go up; an economy built on credit cards, shady mortgage loans; an economy built not on a rock, but on sand.

That’s why my administration is working so hard not only to create and save jobs in the short-term, not only to extend unemployment insurance and help for people who have lost their health care in this crisis, not just to stem the immediate economic wreckage, but to lay a new foundation for growth and prosperity that will put opportunity within the reach of not just African Americans, but all Americans. All Americans. (Applause.) Of every race. Of every creed. From every region of the country. (Applause.) We want everybody to participate in the American Dream. That’s what the NAACP is all about. (Applause.)

Now, one pillar of this new foundation is health insurance for everybody. (Applause.) Health insurance reform that cuts costs and makes quality health coverage affordable for all, and it closes health care disparities in the process. Another pillar is energy reform that makes clean energy profitable, freeing America from the grip of foreign oil; putting young people to work upgrading low-income homes, weatherizing, and creating jobs that can’t be outsourced. Another pillar is financial reform with consumer protections to crackdown on mortgage fraud and stop predatory lenders from targeting black and Latino communities all across the country. (Applause.)

All these things will make America stronger and more competitive. They will drive innovation, they will create jobs, they will provide families with more security. And yet, even if we do all that, the African American community will still fall behind in the United States and the United States will fall behind in the world unless we do a far better job than we have been doing of educating our sons and daughters. (Applause.)

I hope you don’t mind — I want to go into a little detail here about education. (Applause.) In the 21st century — when so many jobs will require a bachelor’s degree or more, when countries that out-educate us today will out-compete us tomorrow — a world-class education is a prerequisite for success.

There’s no two ways about it. There’s no way to avoid it. You know what I’m talking about. There’s a reason the story of the civil rights movement was written in our schools. There’s a reason Thurgood Marshall took up the cause of Linda Brown. There’s a reason why the Little Rock Nine defied a governor and a mob. It’s because there is no stronger weapon against inequality and no better path to opportunity than an education that can unlock a child’s God-given potential. (Applause.)

And yet, more than half a century after Brown v. Board, the dream of a world-class education is still being deferred all across the country. African American students are lagging behind white classmates in reading and math — an achievement gap that is growing in states that once led the way in the civil rights movement. Over half of all African American students are dropping out of school in some places. There are overcrowded classrooms, and crumbling schools, and corridors of shame in America filled with poor children — not just black children, brown and white children as well.

The state of our schools is not an African American problem; it is an American problem. (Applause.) Because if black and brown children cannot compete, then America cannot compete. (Applause.) And let me say this, if Al Sharpton, Mike Bloomberg, and Newt Gingrich can agree that we need to solve the education problem, then that’s something all of America can agree we can solve. (Applause.) Those guys came into my office. (Laughter.) Just sitting in the Oval Office — I kept on doing a double-take. (Laughter and applause.) So that’s a sign of progress and it is a sign of the urgency of the education problem. (Applause.) All of us can agree that we need to offer every child in this country — every child —

AUDIENCE: Amen!

THE PRESIDENT: Got an “Amen corner” back there — (applause) — every child — every child in this country the best education the world has to offer from cradle through a career.

That’s our responsibility as leaders. That’s the responsibility of the United States of America. And we, all of us in government, have to work to do our part by not only offering more resources, but also demanding more reform. Because when it comes to education, we got to get past this whole paradigm, this outdated notion that somehow it’s just money; or somehow it’s just reform, but no money — and embrace what Dr. King called the “both-and” philosophy. We need more money and we need more reform. (Applause.)

When it comes to higher education we’re making college and advanced training more affordable, and strengthening community colleges that are the gateway to so many with an initiative — (applause) — that will prepare students not only to earn a degree, but to find a job when they graduate; an initiative that will help us meet the goal I have set of leading the world in college degrees by 2020. We used to rank number one in college graduates. Now we are in the middle of the pack. And since we are seeing more and more African American and Latino youth in our population, if we are leaving them behind we cannot achieve our goal, and America will fall further behind — and that is not a future that I accept and that is not a future that the NAACP is willing to accept. (Applause.)

We’re creating a Race to the Top fund that will reward states and public school districts that adopt 21st century standards and assessments. We’re creating incentives for states to promote excellent teachers and replace bad ones — (applause) — because the job of a teacher is too important for us to accept anything less than the best. (Applause.)

We also have to explore innovative approaches such as those being pursued here in New York City; innovations like Bard High School Early College and Medgar Evers College Preparatory School that are challenging students to complete high school and earn a free associate’s degree or college credit in just four years. (Applause.)

And we should raise the bar when it comes to early learning programs. It’s not enough just to have a babysitter. We need our young people stimulated and engaged and involved. (Applause.) We need our — our folks involved in child development to understand the latest science. Today, some early learning programs are excellent. Some are mediocre. And some are wasting what studies show are by far a child’s most formative years.

That’s why I’ve issued a challenge to America’s governors: If you match the success of states like Pennsylvania and develop an effective model for early learning; if you focus reform on standards and results in early learning programs; if you demonstrate how you will prepare the lowest income children to meet the highest standards of success — then you can compete for an Early Learning Challenge Grant that will help prepare all our children to enter kindergarten all ready to learn. (Applause.)

So these are some of the laws we’re passing. These are some of the policies we are enacting. We are busy in Washington. Folks in Congress are getting a little tuckered out. (Laughter.) But I’m telling them — I’m telling them we can’t rest, we’ve got a lot of work to do. The American people are counting on us. (Applause.) These are some of the ways we’re doing our part in government to overcome the inequities, the injustices, the barriers that still exist in our country.

But all these innovative programs and expanded opportunities will not, in and of themselves, make a difference if each of us, as parents and as community leaders, fail to do our part by encouraging excellence in our children. (Applause.) Government programs alone won’t get our children to the Promised Land. We need a new mind set, a new set of attitudes — because one of the most durable and destructive legacies of discrimination is the way we’ve internalized a sense of limitation; how so many in our community have come to expect so little from the world and from themselves.

We’ve got to say to our children, yes, if you’re African American, the odds of growing up amid crime and gangs are higher. Yes, if you live in a poor neighborhood, you will face challenges that somebody in a wealthy suburb does not have to face. But that’s not a reason to get bad grades — (applause) — that’s not a reason to cut class — (applause) — that’s not a reason to give up on your education and drop out of school. (Applause.) No one has written your destiny for you. Your destiny is in your hands — you cannot forget that. That’s what we have to teach all of our children. No excuses. (Applause.) No excuses.

You get that education, all those hardships will just make you stronger, better able to compete. Yes we can. (Applause.)

To parents — to parents, we can’t tell our kids to do well in school and then fail to support them when they get home. (Applause.) You can’t just contract out parenting. For our kids to excel, we have to accept our responsibility to help them learn. That means putting away the Xbox — (applause) — putting our kids to bed at a reasonable hour. (Applause.) It means attending those parent-teacher conferences and reading to our children and helping them with their homework. (Applause.)

And by the way, it means we need to be there for our neighbor’s sons and daughters. (Applause.) We need to go back to the time, back to the day when we parents saw somebody, saw some kid fooling around and — it wasn’t your child, but they’ll whup you anyway. (Laughter and applause.) Or at least they’ll tell your parents — the parents will. You know. (Laughter.) That’s the meaning of community. That’s how we can reclaim the strength and the determination and the hopefulness that helped us come so far; helped us make a way out of no way.

It also means pushing our children to set their sights a little bit higher. They might think they’ve got a pretty good jump shot or a pretty good flow, but our kids can’t all aspire to be LeBron or Lil Wayne. (Applause.) I want them aspiring to be scientists and engineers — (applause) — doctors and teachers — (applause) — not just ballers and rappers. I want them aspiring to be a Supreme Court Justice. (Applause.) I want them aspiring to be the President of the United States of America. (Applause.)

I want their horizons to be limitless. I don’t — don’t tell them they can’t do something. Don’t feed our children with a sense of — that somehow because of their race that they cannot achieve.

Yes, government must be a force for opportunity. Yes, government must be a force for equality. But ultimately, if we are to be true to our past, then we also have to seize our own future, each and every day.

And that’s what the NAACP is all about. The NAACP was not founded in search of a handout. The NAACP was not founded in search of favors. The NAACP was founded on a firm notion of justice; to cash the promissory note of America that says all of our children, all God’s children, deserve a fair chance in the race of life. (Applause.)

It’s a simple dream, and yet one that all too often has been denied — and is still being denied to so many Americans. It’s a painful thing, seeing that dream denied. I remember visiting a Chicago school in a rough neighborhood when I was a community organizer, and some of the children gathered ’round me. And I remember thinking how remarkable it was that all of these children seemed so full of hope, despite being born into poverty, despite being delivered, in some cases, into addiction, despite all the obstacles they were already facing — you could see that spark in their eyes. They were the equal of children anywhere.

And I remember the principal of the school telling me that soon that sparkle would begin to dim, that things would begin to change; that soon, the laughter in their eyes would begin to fade; that soon, something would shut off inside, as it sunk in — because kids are smarter than we give them credit for — as it sunk in that their hopes would not come to pass — not because they weren’t smart enough, not because they weren’t talented enough, not because of anything about them inherently, but because, by accident of birth, they had not received a fair chance in life.

I know what can happen to a child who doesn’t have that chance. But I also know what can happen to a child that does. I was raised by a single mom. I didn’t come from a lot of wealth. I got into my share of trouble as a child. My life could have easily taken a turn for the worse. When I drive through Harlem or I drive through the South Side of Chicago and I see young men on the corners, I say, there but for the grace of God go I. (Applause.) They’re no less gifted than me. They’re no less talented than me.

But I had some brakes. That mother of mine, she gave me love; she pushed me, she cared about my education; she took no lip; she taught me right from wrong. Because of her, I had a chance to make the most of my abilities. I had the chance to make the most of my opportunities. I had the chance to make the most of life.

The same story holds true for Michelle. The same story holds true for so many of you. And I want all the other Barack Obamas out there, and all the other Michelle Obamas out there — (applause) — to have the same chance — the chance that my mother gave me; that my education gave me; that the United States of America has given me. That’s how our union will be perfected and our economy rebuilt. That is how America will move forward in the next 100 years.

And we will move forward. This I know — for I know how far we have come. Some, you saw, last week in Ghana, Michelle and I took Malia and Sasha and my mother-in-law to Cape Coast Castle, in Ghana. Some of you may have been there. This is where captives were once imprisoned before being auctioned; where, across an ocean, so much of the African American experience began.

We went down into the dungeons where the captives were held. There was a church above one of the dungeons — which tells you something about saying one thing and doing another. (Applause.) I was — we walked through the “Door Of No Return.” I was reminded of all the pain and all the hardships, all the injustices and all the indignities on the voyage from slavery to freedom.

But I was reminded of something else. I was reminded that no matter how bitter the rod, how stony the road, we have always persevered. (Applause.) We have not faltered, nor have we grown weary. As Americans, we have demanded, and strived for, and shaped a better destiny. And that is what we are called on to do once more. NAACP, it will not be easy. It will take time. Doubts may rise and hopes may recede.

But if John Lewis could brave Billy clubs to cross a bridge — (applause) — then I know young people today can do their part and lift up our community. (Applause.)

If Emmet Till’s uncle, Mose Wright, could summon the courage to testify against the men who killed his nephew, I know we can be better fathers and better brothers and better mothers and sisters in our own families. (Applause.)

If three civil rights workers in Mississippi — black, white, Christian and Jew, city-born and country-bred — could lay down their lives in freedom’s cause, I know we can come together to face down the challenges of our own time. (Applause.) We can fix our schools — (applause) — we can heal our sick, we can rescue our youth from violence and despair. (Applause.)

And 100 years from now, on the 200th anniversary of the NAACP — (applause) — let it be said that this generation did its part; that we too ran the race; that full of faith that our dark past has taught us, full of the hope that the present has brought us — (applause) — we faced, in our lives and all across this nation, the rising sun of a new day begun. (Applause.)

Thank you, God bless you. God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)

 

 

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 本文刊登於聯合報,2009.8.1, at A23民意論壇(標題改為「黑人可當總統,不許說白人歧視」)

黑人總統也只能向白人妥協?

廖元豪

(政治大學法律學系助理教授)

 

美國總統歐巴馬,因為「失言」風波而致歉,並邀請因執法爭議而產生衝突的白人警察與黑人教授共進啤酒。這個事件讓我們看得更清楚美國種族主義的陰魂不散:黑人可以當總統,但是不許說白人有種族歧視,連暗示都不行。非裔的總統必須假裝種族隔離與奴隸制度的餘威已經完全消失,並且以自己的當選證明這一點。

歐巴馬哪裡「失言」了?白人警察柯勞利居然能在知名非裔教授蓋茲的家中(沒錯,是自己家裡),在他出示哈佛教員的證件後,仍然逮捕他。說這其中沒有種族偏見-就是不信任黑人-實在難以讓人相信。就算拋開種族偏見,這種執法態度被歐巴馬批評成「行為愚蠢」,相信也不為過。同樣的情形要是發生在台灣,媒體一旦「踢爆」,警察包準被罵翻祖宗八代。

但堂堂總統對一個警察執法不當的事件說了句重話,為何致歉之餘,還得擺一桌「和頭酒」?因為警察反彈!第一次反彈,是柯勞利聽到蓋茲說實話批評他搞「種族歧視調查」(racial profiling),於是逮捕蓋茲。接著是反彈歐巴馬的「行為愚蠢」說,因為總統的實話實說,似乎暗示著警察真的在搞種族歧視調查。

但單是警察反彈,也還沒那麼嚴重。到底一個地方警察局的嗆聲,對於全世界最有權力的三軍統帥而言,其實只是小事一樁。然而歐巴馬緊張兮兮地擺和頭酒,其實是為了避免觸怒許多不願意承認種族歧視尚存的白人。

美國白人對黑人明目張膽的歧視,在1964年國會制定了民權法,加上各州甚至城市紛紛制定類似的反歧視法之後,似乎逐漸消逝。然而,第二回合的戰爭仍在激烈地進行中。明文規定、白紙黑字的種族偏見雖然難得看到,但白人優越主義以及對少數族裔的偏見,有時卻轉換成許多更細緻、隱晦的方式為之。這些歧視與敵意,未必是反歧視法所能規範的。例如,學校不可以採行種族隔離制度,但是許多自命優越的白人不願意與少數族裔同住一個社區,紛紛搬出。因此住宅區呈現事實上的種族隔離。又由於公立學校都是依據住宅區劃分學區,結果就是公立學校普遍重現當年的黑白分校!

更弔詭的,是許多白人保守派,甚至部分自由派,還發起另一場反撲的戰爭:指控所有宣稱「種族歧視依然存在」的人,才是種族歧視者。被保守派佔領多數的美國最高法院,宣稱種族平等就是要「色盲」(colorblind),任何為了消弭種族主義遺跡而特別扶持少數族裔的措施,都非常可能被宣告違憲違法。即便勉強容許大學院校採取「積極平權措施」(affirmative action),有限度地優先錄取少數族裔學生,也不能以「彌補過去之種族歧視」為理由,而只能以「促進校園多樣化」為目標。

歐巴馬一直努力地在種族議題上保持低調,以避免踩到許多白人的敏感神經。但他當然了解,美國並不像保守派白人所想的那麼「無色」。日前他在全國有色人種促進會演講時,除了對黑人表示「失敗沒有藉口」外,同時也強調「別搞錯,歧視之痛在美國當然還感受得到」並且細數少數族裔在各方面受到的不利處境。他知道,他了解,可是卻不能針對白人明講,甚至連脫口而出的隱喻,都不可以!黑人總統可以教訓黑人「自己負責」,卻不可以用同樣的口吻訓誡白人。

黑人當選總統,的確是跨出了一大步。但接下來的每一步,要為非裔同胞喉舌,卻也是要如履薄冰般向白人交代。少數族裔的總統,或許命定要接受這樣的考驗。

 

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人權公約在兩岸的命運
廖元豪
(政治大學法律系副教授)

台灣雖然被拒於聯合國多年,沒有機會參與許多國際公約的運作,但最近仍「批准」了「經濟社會文化權利國際公約」及「公民與政治權利國際公約」。
這兩個重要的人權公約,其實當初中華民國聯合國代表在1967年10月就已「簽署」。然而嗣後台灣代表被逐出聯合國,卻變得連批准的資格都沒有。接替中華民國代表的中華人民共和國代表,更聲明台灣當局「冒用」(usurp)中國名號,對這兩個公約所為之簽署係屬無效!因此,雖然我們自言自語地踐行「批准」程序,並將總統簽署之批准書送交聯合國秘書處存查;然而聯合國秘書處的「退件」也是想當然耳之事。
然而,雖然無權批准,而且送交存查也被退件,但台灣依然另起蹊徑,以制定「施行法」的方式,把兩個人權公約的內容變成國內法律,拘束所有的政府機關與人民。這一步驟具有深遠意義:表示馬政府對人權公約的批准,不只是在「衝撞」或「測試」聯合國對台灣地位的接受度(這是民進黨時期的作風—只想通過公約送交聯合國,然後炒作「加入聯合國」的議題,但卻從未思索如何具體落實),而是真的要讓人權公約在實質上影響台灣。
對照之下,取代中華民國聯合國代表席次的中華人民共和國,雖然宣稱台灣當局的簽署無效。但卻遲遲至1997與1998才「補簽」這兩個公約,而至今尚未批准「公民與政治權利公約」。不被承認的台灣,即便批准被退件都還致力「自願受人權公約拘束」;可以開大門走大路,簽署與批准之資格全無爭議的大陸,對人權公約的加入與落實,卻如此扭捏。從台灣的觀點來看,國際政治現實何其無情啊。
大陸當局尚未批准「公民與政治權利公約」,或許是基於長久以來所宣稱的「讓人民吃飽才是基本人權」的立場,不願意充分開放政治權利。但公民政治權利公約其實只設定最低的標準(它沒有要求廢除死刑,也不否定為了公共利益之必要,國家可以限制各種權利),且其中大多數的保障,在「中華人民共和國憲法」都有類似規定。大陸官方不願意批准公民政治權利公約,是因為憲法也從未落實(大陸通說認為,憲法不是可以直接援引、適用的法規範;甚至有法院只是引用憲法做為參考,都遭到批評),還是說中華人民共和國憲法比公約更進步?
而以中共當局已經批准的「經濟社會文化權利公約」而言,它對社會階層差距日漸擴大,貧富不均愈發嚴重,區域差異愈來愈大的中國,其實很有意義,且有重要的「方向導正」功能:中國大陸的勞工真正有罷工的機會嗎?每個人都有足以支持基本生活的社會保障及社會保險嗎?非婚生的兒童能夠登記戶籍並受充分教育嗎?中國做為新的經濟強權,這些成長的果實是否能讓所有的人民雨露均沾?一個社會主義國家,怎樣確保最起碼的社會平等?
相比之下,這兩個人權公約,對台灣來說,其實標準不算太高。例如刑事案件的程序保障,透過憲法與大法官的解釋,水平大致上不亞於公約規定。至於言論自由、宗教自由或是參政權,台灣的實務原本就提供了相當高的保障—有些地方甚至自由過頭。在既有的人權機制基礎上,一步步執行落實兩公約,應該不算太難。
當然,人權公約真正要落實,還是得看國家的「決心」:對於最弱勢,最易受壓迫的群體,是否願意不惜政治上的壓力去執行?例如,台灣的家事外勞,絕大部分都沒有休假權,顯然牴觸經濟社會文化公約。政府願不願意保障這些沒選票的外勞(或藉由提供「喘息服務」,或強制要求雇主給予休假¬—前者要增加支出;後者則會得罪「台灣人」)?現行移民法制中的「收容」與「驅逐出境」程序,都賦予移民署片面單方的決定與執行權,更明顯不符合公民政治權利公約中「提審」(第九條)與「先救濟後執行」(第十三條)的要求,政府願意把最基本的程序保障適用在陸配、外配、外勞身上嗎?亦即,台灣人權的問題不在有或無,而在於是否能對弱勢、邊緣、少數的人群給予相同的保障!
總之,人權公約對台灣是「額外加分」,也是兩岸競爭最大的領先優勢之一,但落實程度仍有待觀察。而它對大陸會有什麼效果?有任何人會有一點期待嗎?中國人民難道不值得享有兩個基本人權公約的保障嗎?

 

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誰怕麥可傑克遜 

MJ 

何春蕤

日後人們將發現,傑克遜不是死於藥物,不是死於整形失敗;而是死於長久匯集沉澱在他身上的各種歧視的效應,包括「種族歧視」以及「反種族歧視」自身所形成的僵化和政治正確要求,也包括人們對性別、身體、性向的各種僵化認知。

「中性化」招來攻擊

2003年麥可傑克遜被控猥褻兒童事件爆發,當媒體一面倒的看熱鬧、惡劣扒糞的時刻,美國知名的跨性別作家費雷思發出文章,指出圍繞傑克遜的負面言論其實出自一些大家習以為常的成見。


1980年代末期開始,和無數整形的男女一樣,傑克遜開始積極的改變外型。然而在那個種族尖銳對立的社會脈絡裡,人們看到的只是他背離了黑人的外貌特徵,許多人罵他「黑奸」,說他迎合白人的審美觀。然而費雷思在這些譴責中卻看到了另一種隱而未顯引發厭惡的特色,那就是傑克遜與日俱增的「中性化」(說穿了是「女性化」)裝扮,以及非常複雜的性別表現。


換句話說,與其說傑克遜的自我外型打造是想變成白人,倒不如說他是避開大眾對黑人男性必須表現截然陽剛的假設,他的新外型因此益趨陰柔,從面目五官到白皙的皮膚,柔軟的長髮,濃郁的化妝。他的身體也不斷開發出過去無法想像的操弄和舞步,一手撫胸、一手扣住胯下的標準動作成為傑克遜既男又女的性感表現方式。一個似乎永遠青少年的身體,結合了很難歸類為男女的外型和表現,難怪引發極大的社會焦慮,招來無窮的指摘。


人們的冷言嘲諷把傑克遜放逐到羞恥孤立的空間裡。是為了要他停止這種跨越現有範疇的存在狀態,也就是要他「歸位」,回歸傳統的種族樣貌和表現,回歸傳統的性別呈現。可是傑克遜沒有聽話,他反而更加積極的持續越界,在外型上更加明顯的宣告他就是不計代價,不願從眾,當然也就持續承受更惡意的攻擊。


傑克遜的性別處境只有另外一個跨性別看得懂。身為跨性別的費雷思說:「麥可的外表不僅混淆了人類社會對於性與性別的僵化組合,並且更進一步地拓展人類性別表現的多樣性。」


惡意的攻擊最後形成一連串控訴,動員的正是1980年代以來在美國儼然已經升高為社會最敏感神經的兒童性議題。只有這個罪名能醜化當事人到無法回應的地步,使他墜入沒人敢救的深淵,讓他即使被宣告無罪也將永遠背負嫌疑。

死於美國僵化氛圍

我的朋友聽說傑克遜過世的消息後久久無法接受,她不解的問:「為什麼安潔莉娜裘莉熱烈擁抱親吻孩子算是親善大使,而麥可傑克遜做同樣的事情就是戀童?」


我沒有辦法回答。但是費雷思一針見血的看穿了反戀童聖戰背後真正的陰謀:「兒童和青少年承受性惡待(或其他形式的惡待)的處境和痛苦,是沒有辦法被一個煽動種族主義、歧視同性戀、仇視性別異議份子的保守行動所解救的。」


麥可傑克遜就是死於種族主義、反種族主義的僵化、同性戀恐懼症、跨性別恐懼症、戀童恐慌症數症齊發的美國氛圍。哀悼他的將不會是少數,因為被上述病症的效應所苦的人絕不是少數。

作者為中央大學性別研究室特聘教授

 

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 2009_0324_153758aa

正義不是空談,要實力、魄力。

以下是移盟一位夥伴愛華(化名),將她陪著社工、書記官、警員,以及獲得勝訴判決之大陸配偶小虹(化名)一道去「強制執行」法院判決,要將小孩帶回身邊的經歷寫成的紀錄。請各位看看,儻所謂天道,是耶非耶?

真是氣死人。

 

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新移民在離婚後不得探視小孩的情形

在鄉下非常普遍

而且傳統的農業社會

會有一群鄉民一起幫夫家排除新移民媽媽

新移民媽媽真的很辛苦

星期一和小虹去雲林強制執行帶孩子【法院已經將監護權判給大陸籍的小虹;判決離婚的原因是台籍老公的家暴與外遇】

 

剛開始看起來令人放心 

有法院書記官執行官還有兩名警員和兩名社工

一到現場書記官及警員與當地村民聊天了起來

對於家暴先生及他招集的村民

對小虹的拉扯完全不作為

我也被村民拉扯咆嘯

於是我拿出相機照相還被警察要求刪除

警察說他們只是維持秩序

就這樣帶不到孩子

筆錄上我們要求將村長拉扯小虹寫進去

書記官不但不依

還大聲嚷說這樣是妨礙公務,怎麼可以隨便亂寫【明明妨礙公務卻不寫,是不是又來一個「筆錄不實記載」】

總之非常沉重的經驗

只有社工私底下抱怨書記官和警察怎麼這樣處理

令人在燥熱天氣火爆的氛圍中感受到唯一的一點微風

這種強制執行

100年後也無法成功

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我之前在「批准聯合國公約又如何」提到,人權的實現,要靠魄力,甚至是不惜動用武力來對抗社會壓迫跟偏見的魄力。沒有這個決心,如何消弭社會長久以來的歧視?

在這個案子,我們看到法院的判決就是一張廢紙,小虹的權利也是泡影。村長出頭一起阻擋法院命令,這算什麼?警察不排除違法抗爭,那跟著去幹嗎?(唯一的功能居然是命令愛華把照片刪除)書記官不記載「無法執行」的重要原因他也知道那就是「妨礙公務」呢,有沒有人去追究?(馬總統對侯寬仁的不實筆錄如此痛恨,這個案子呢?)動輒以「非法集會遊行」執行公權力的警察,面對真正的暴民,在幹什麼呢?

我相信這種情況,也會出現在台灣本地女性去要監護權的情況。媚俗的民選政府,有沒有種去「改變」這種侵犯人權的「不民主」社會慣行?

如果不敢,那與大陸電影「盲山」的情況有何不同?(女人被拐賣到鄉下,被性侵並生下孩子。公安好不容易發現,村民反彈、撒賴也無能為力)

 

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3578940301_720dba4381

 

台灣紀念六四之活見鬼:歷史是誰的傷口?

torrent 

 

台灣紀念六四,除了是趕上20週年的流行,對於一個明顯在台灣斷裂的事件,要能紀念起來,還真是活見鬼。

 

斷裂,或許是出自冷漠,但不如說,冷漠只是結果。就連二二八,從原本的威權統治時期的禁談,到猛然開放百花齊鳴,20多年的操兵下來,藍綠已經從二二八事件中精鍊出各自的政治立場,二二八的紀念儀式中能談出的歷史真相與實質意義,已經越來越單薄。但在現階段的台灣而言,連追尋六四的真相和意義都還不夠資格。

 

台灣談六四,始終停留在一種「他者」的層次,這是20年來累積而成的不誠懇。如果將1989年六月四日北京爆發的慘案,作為兩岸在之後20年,走向不同政治發展經驗的轉捩點,台灣卻從來不誠懇面對,六四這個巨大的陰影對台灣的影響。

 

現在已經成為經典的1990年野百合學運,當時緊繃的政治社會情勢、廣場上豪情壯志、搞出野百合進場、唱〈國際歌〉及〈血染的風采〉,誰還記得當年這些元素都被指為山寨版的天安門學運。其實不到幾年,當時幾個領導人竄起成為民進黨的政治新梯隊,野百合的精神就慢慢被僅詮釋成自己天縱而來、台灣樂土自生的政治改革運動。20年的滄海桑田,不記得當然就等於不曾存在。

 

而國民黨內部由馬英九代表的所謂開明派也值得一提。透過年年紀念六四,與內部保守派區隔,並與民進黨搶民主選票,終於在2008年大功告成後,開始縮手,連作作樣子,見個王丹都閃來躲去,甚至限制民運人士楊建利的簽證日期,讓他無法做自行車遊台抗議。從原本還有一點「假久成真」的期待現形為「王莽禮賢下士時」,要這種人紀念六四,純粹只是毫無意義的應景表態政治。

 

不過真正的問題,則在於藍綠極端派各自所擁有的法西斯。

 

說真的,台灣經濟20年來,一直是六四慘案的間接受益者,因為中共政權在六四之狠在中國形成每個抗爭者無邊無際的惡夢,它讓不滿難以縱向橫向集結,這使得台灣六四事件的直接受益者,也就是台商們,重新找到舊國民黨時代威權發展的熟悉溫床,更大規模扮演起全球分工位置下的中間角色。不論從統一的意識型態建構需求來看,或是從純粹的利益驅動,藍營有太多的政治人物,甘願作為代言人,這當然會將六四鎮壓美化為經濟發展下的必要之惡,沒有對1989年之後鄧小平開啟的新一波改革開放的肯定,就無法對這20年來跟著中國茁壯的台商提供繼往開來的論述包裝與政策空間。

 

而在政治上,綠營也不該否認,六四事件,恰恰讓以往國民黨宣傳中的共產黨統治證明並非虛言,經過將共產黨等同於中國,這是1990年代台灣獨立訴求茁壯的重要背景之一。但隨著藍綠惡鬥日漸極端,綠營操作的等式也無限擴張,民進黨能張口閉口紀念六四,卻在同一時間,對於可能是中共統治下曾經抗爭、不滿、共謀、畏縮等進入台灣、走到你我面前中國人民,一概打為中國間諜、民族主義憤青、假結婚騙子、搶工作髒工、在公園撒尿的低等人類。六四,以及這20年來無時無刻都在中國爆發的抗爭,僅有證明中共政權野蠻及逼藍營表態的價值,然後直接就跳到中國的妖魔化論述。

 

六四及之後在中國前仆後繼抗暴的中國人民,僅有被鎮壓的一瞬間被當作是受害者,隨後,深藍,視為他們是該被控制管理以求經濟發展的暴民,深綠則盡快抹除差異將他們等同於猙獰危險的中國半獸人。這些其實都是台灣面對中國問題時,真正動輒得咎的地雷。

 

1989年的六四天安門事件,可以說是對世界歷史影響深遠,它引發了蘇東波,使得冷戰結束。但明明,它對台灣的影響也極大,但卻好像從來不存在一樣,既然六四沒有對這20年來台灣的政治發展、社會脈動、經濟成長有任何值得探討之處,當一點點、一絲絲的蝴蝶效應都感覺不出,並對六四以及之後大大小小抗爭的主體,都以這種輕視的方式面對,到底紀念起來又是所為何來?

 

比方說到現在仍是台灣流行文化主導者之一的流行音樂界,當年都特別搞了〈歷史的傷口〉這首歌來共襄盛舉,但當年曾經留著淚水合唱的創作者及歌手們,在現在中國大市場的磁吸下有多少人已經想忘了當年的年少氣盛?多少人也拒絕回顧這20年來六四對自己的影響?或許是根本拒絕有影響吧。

 

如果連六四都是被這樣對待,那紀念六四僅僅是徒具形式,連中國的一次大瘟疫對台灣來講是如此雲淡風清,甚或發展成針對自己的需求進行算計和權謀,這20年來甚至未來許許多多的小噴嚏及大傷風,當然也就無足輕重,也沒什麼好關注的。

 

其實按照以上的標準,這些年來,六四紀念文寫得最漂亮的,莫過於2005年六四的阿扁電子報,阿扁也不止一次說過,台灣要支援中國民主。但真正做起來,仍然是斷裂、片面,例如現在國民黨惡搞楊建利,但陳榮利、蔡陸軍等民主人士2004年偷渡來台後,還曾被關在靖廬,居留權的問題一拖數年仍無解。這當然是故意的,但其實也沒什麼好怨的,因為本來就是在實力原則下的詮釋權論戰,這力量之強之大,甚而連台灣公民社會的連署宣言都不知是自覺還是不自覺地被侷限成僅有某個側面。iron的嘗試,令人激賞,但也表示著整個社會還需要更多的對抗。

 

延伸閱讀

 

關注六四,是對我們民主與人權信念的試煉 連署

 

絕食書:我們用生命寫成的誓言,必將晴朗共和國的天空

 

一個被禁掉的年代

 

〈歷史的傷口〉創作資訊

 

作詞:林秋尊、梁弘志、陳樂融、童安格、鄭華娟、劉虞瑞

 

作曲:小蟲、沈光遠、李宗盛、李壽全、梁弘志、陳美威、陳復明、童安格、張洪量、黃韻玲

 

編曲:陳志遠

 

演唱:小虎隊、王新蓮、伍思凱、文章、沈光遠、李宗盛、知己二重唱、邰正宵、金素梅、城市少女、姜育恆、星星月亮太陽、馬玉芬、馬兆駿、陳美威、陳復明、童安格、張雨生、張信哲、張洪量、張淘淘、曾慶瑜、張鎬哲、黃韻玲、葉歡、鄭怡、蔡幸娟、憂歡派隊、羅紘武

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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 3634535906_978342155a

關於東莞台商慘案,其實涉及了更深層的勞工、結構、社會人權議題;也涉及了媒體與族群的關係。

兩篇比較「另類」但發人深省的文章,一起在此分享。

 

咄咄集:一定要用血,才換得進步嗎?

出處:台灣立報,2009.6.17

吳忠泰(全國教師會理事長)

東莞台商被工傷員工所痛殺,死狀甚慘,最可議的是自由時報17日竟用兇手曾在行兇時喊出「台灣人都該死」當作頭版頭條標題,對媒體不思報導凶案的結構性因素,反而企圖煽動國族情結,刺激人民的族群感,吾人給予最嚴厲譴責。

筆者教過的學生、自己的弟弟都曾在東莞工作過,當地普遍認為台商缺乏勞資共利觀念,眼中只有成本和利潤,為了利之極大,許多人寧可花錢打通關係,不願花錢投注在工作環境的改善,寧可花錢在酒色交際中,不願給予員工該有的四險一生(如台灣的勞、健保、勞退、就業保險等),員工數年要回到內陸省份而不得,台幹則每月一次飛機來回兩岸。我們無意合理化這個案子中的凶嫌,也無理由指陳本案中被害者乃是平時作惡多端罪有應得,但不能不請國人回顧國內人權是如何演進過來的。

在原住民人權方面,鄒族青年湯英伸,在民國70年代,以嘉義師專休學生的身份,北上打工,因不能忍受雇主的苛刻虐待和歧視,殺害洗衣店夫婦及2歲的女兒,事後被判死刑。但即使時值解嚴前夕,社會各界普遍視為這是個社會正義向法律公平傾斜的血案,經過各方營救,湯英伸仍然伏法,但由此所引發的原住民人權運動,迄未停止。湯英伸如果活下來,如果完成師專教育,現在他會怎樣向學生介紹東莞台商命案?

另外一個例子是1993年的鄧如雯殺夫案,鄧女因不堪丈夫常期虐待毆打並恐嚇其娘家家人生命,持鐵鎚與水果刀擊殺丈夫並使其當場死亡。案發後鄧女通知家屬自首報案,婦女團體聚焦聲援,最後判決36個月並於服刑一年半後假釋。然而如所周知,婦女團體藉此案推動立法,改變了「法不入家門」的觀念,催生了《家庭暴力防治法》,為受到家庭暴力的家庭成員,張開保護網。

台灣教育不教學生如何保護自己的勞動權益,也不教學生尊重他人的勞動權益,遇到吃虧,能忍就忍,遇到可以佔便宜,能摳就摳,台商在中國大陸是阻礙工會成立的最大釘子戶,抗拒《勞動合同法》也最激烈,這都是拜我們引以為傲的台灣教育成功所賜。只是,一定要用血才能換取進步嗎?

而這麼鮮明的結構問題,明明為我們做得不夠的勞資關係上一堂血淋淋的課,卻在優勢媒體操弄下變成「中國人」與「台灣人」的仇恨,是為了恫嚇彼岸的台商,還是為了號召島內的人民?21世紀了,自由時報還要把「反省勞資」扭曲成「鼓動仇恨」嗎?

 

 

 

台灣人的確都該死

出處:遊走觀察紀錄。

作者:torrent

幾次去珠三角採訪台資廠勞工,有些是有加班費爭議,有些則是忍無可忍罷工,也有工傷補償拿不到而與資方耗著的,在工廠廣遨無際、作為許多台商撈金窟的珠三角,數千萬民工,他們的故事只是冰山一角中的冰山一角。這些勞工,都是有幸找到當地勞工團體援助而暫時有寄託,那更多民工受害後,得不到應有的賠償,難道他們只會選擇被迫回鄉嗎?

這個問題,我也會問每一個正在打勞資爭議的民工,有些就是笑笑不回答,有些就會說,喔,前幾天不是有民工被逼得跳樓的,就是薪資沒拿到。其實我的問題是,這種無邊無際的折磨,遲早會逼成所謂的「過激」行為吧,但這麼多民工的珠三角,這麼多官商勾結造成應得的權益無法伸張,「過激」卻只有自殘?

罷工其實就是一種忍無可忍後的反抗行為,不過集體的案件能罷工,個人的權益受害呢?我一直在想,所謂的「過激」行為,遲早會爆發,只是時間早晚問題。

該來的還是會來,昨天南方日報報導,東筦大朗鎮台資展明五金廠一名叫做劉漢黃的工人,因為工傷賠償與資方談不攏,憤而行兇,將三名台籍幹部殺得一死一傷。劉漢黃是貴州人,20089月入廠僅一個月後,就因工傷造成整個右手掌被切除,原本資方僅肯給付6萬元人民幣工傷補償,後來劉漢黃決定走司法途徑,一審判定需給付16.8萬多元人民幣的賠償,但資方仍在523提出上訴,並繼續要求庭外和解,最新同意的賠償金額是9萬人民幣。

按照中國勞動法規定,勞方受到工傷後,需要保障工作權,資方需要持續給付勞方工資及相關補償,但在資方上訴期間,卻聽從律師意見,要把劉漢黃趕出工廠,在舉目無親的情況下,這其實就是逼劉漢黃回鄉。所以劉漢黃在613就選擇要跳樓,來逼資方給付補償金,後來被勸下,但在615資方的談判中發生口角,憤而拿出預藏的彈簧刀,將幾個台幹刺死。

劉漢黃從去年9月工傷到現在將近9個月,從許多的曾經採訪的案例中,我可以想像,這九個月中,資方是怎麼應付他的,告訴他說按照勞動法一毛都不用給、告訴他先離職才有補償金然後人離職後就把人趕出工廠、我僅是小主管沒有決定權、找官方當和事佬甚至恫嚇,這九個月的無時無刻卻又看不到結果壓力,如果是你,你會怎麼選擇?劉漢黃已經曾選擇要跳樓了,下一步,除了爆走,又能做什麼?

這當然不是說被他殺的兩個人活該,而是說劉漢黃絕對有可恕之處。這裡又可以舉出上一次鄧玉嬌事件曾提過的湯英伸案。1986年發生的原住民湯英伸因被剝削心生不滿,將雇主一家包括小孩都殺死,如果這在20多年前的台灣都有可恕之處,社會並捲起槍下留人的呼聲,劉漢黃當然能被原諒,不會因為他是中國人,被殺的是台灣人,就該有不同標準。

但今天的自由時報頭版頭條〈東莞工人殺3台商 喊「台灣人該死」〉,卻是以中國人殘殺台灣人的方式處理,這是事實沒錯,但這是重點嗎?絕對不是,而且是最惡劣、最糟糕的處理方式。

強調台商在中國如何可憐、如何受害,絕對是僅有部分真實的事實描述。就以展明五金廠來說,受害前,他們又對劉漢黃做了什麼事情,而且,這幾乎是所有台商碰到工傷事件時,都會做的事情。聯合報報導,展明五金廠投資額上億,卻連多出新台幣50萬元,買斷人家一輩子傷殘的賠償金都不想付,一個記者問我,為什麼會這樣,我說,這很正常啊,對於台商來說,就是不想多花一毛錢讓勞工賺到,免得此例一開沒完沒了,他寧願把這筆錢拿去請更多保全,都不要賠工傷補償金。這次勞方打官司,展明找律師應付然後逼人離廠,小一點的台資廠,常常就是找當地黑道。

這當然不是個別台商的問題,而是制度問題,資方以拖待變、官方執法不力,但這裡面台商卻是這個制度的受益者。例如上次同樣是台資、同樣在東筦的萬士達廠罷工,東筦勞動局就幫台商出動警犬放狗咬勞工、也曲解勞動法騙勞工回去上班。

自由時報這樣的處理,可以想像是要佐證中國根本是個野蠻之地,之後大概會開始處理大陸官方不積極幫助,並要求重判嫌犯之類的。但這樣扭曲背後的原因,這是在保護在大陸已經非常囂張的部分台商繼續囂張下去,建構這種血統最大的認識觀,這樣搞,只是會讓人覺得台灣人的確都該死。

劉漢黃的事情,應該是到世界各地投資的台商一個反省的機會,逼太緊,是會反抗的,太多的反抗,台商僅有經濟損失而沒這麼震撼,現在劉漢黃和兩死一傷的受害者,就是告訴台商,不要再想什麼透過律師、官方、黑道耗死勞方,不過是好好的按照當地法令對待勞工而已。

 

 

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蘇案陪審員,換你做做看

 ◎蕭逸民(人本教育基金會蘇案專案秘書)

   ●法官也希望有人欣賞

「人類是社會性的動物,過著群體的生活,不只是生活具社會性,連思考都很社會性。」這個論點可以從一月二十八日蘇案再更二審第二次開庭中,法官優異的表現得到印證。

去年十二月十日蘇案再更二審第一次開庭,法官顯然對他要審判的案件沒有概念,安排了一間小法庭,不但大部份旁聽的人都擠不進去,甚至連律師都沒有足夠的位置,必需坐到被告的長條椅上。面對混亂的情況,法官的情緒也顯得焦躁,指揮訴訟不時偏離正軌,最後律師聲明異議的情況下,草草收場。對於第一次開庭就沒有和法官維持好關係,律師們也很沮喪,庭後建議法官下次選擇大法庭開庭。果然事後法官通知,第下次開庭改到台灣高等法院第一法庭進行。

第二次開庭當天,前來旁聽的人比救援團體預期的多很多,把法庭坐的滿滿的,而且大部是稚嫩的年輕面孔,看來都是沒來過法院的新鮮人。曾開過第一次庭的人都發現,法官不一樣了,說話沉穩有力,音量也更大聲。當檢辯激烈攻防時,訴訟指揮有條不紊,甚至在旁聽群眾竊竊私語時,法官也會停頓,控制節奏,技巧性地讓法院回復到莊嚴肅穆。也許有人會問,既然法官第二次開庭做的到,為什麼第一次開庭沒有這樣做呢?這就回到人是社會性的動物這個論點,其原因就是前來旁聽的群眾影響了法官。

一定有人會質疑,不是要維護司法獨立嗎?旁聽群眾影響法官,這樣不好吧!這是一個重要的問題,但思考時必需想到問題的反面,就是沒有旁聽群眾也會影響法官,所以問題是究竟那一種才是正面的影響。其實講到這裡,答案就呼之欲出了,因為就像沒有不想舉辦萬人演唱會的歌手一樣,法官也會希望他的表現有人欣賞,蘇案第二次開庭就是最好的例證。

●民間自主的陪審活動

在許多有陪審團制度的國家,其實就是把人性體現在制度中,法國學者托爾維克在其名著《論美國的民主》中說:「陪審團看似降低了法官的權力,而實際上它給予法官無上的權威。」因為表面上陪審團是在監督法官,但人性使然,即使最不追求上進的法官,最不要臉法官,也會竭力裝作顧及面子的模樣,讓陪審團支持法院的運作[1]。也因為如此,一旦得到陪審團的背書,法官所為判決的正當性就更高,更維護了法院的權威。

由於法律體系不同,台灣的司法不採用陪審團制度,所以向來人民對法院感覺十分疏離,民眾就算有心坐在旁聽席上,也無從得知案件的來龍去脈。法官也總以行政官員自居,在審判中沒有接受公眾監督的自覺,判決也不考慮社會觀感。司法制度跟不上社會進步,已經成為台灣推動民主法治的障礙。

蘇案自二000年再審以來,救援團體們開始法庭觀察的活動,至今是持續最久的監督法院的社會運動。蘇案在二00三年能夠判決無罪,在二00七年判決死刑後能夠當庭釋放,就證明民間自主的陪審活動,雖然只是默默地坐在法庭裡,但仍然能發揮無比的影響力,讓好法官勇於做出判決,讓壞法官怯於執行惡法。

●蘇案更二審的基本架構

蘇案更一審的救援策略,主要是希望透過科學證據的理性分析,還原犯罪現場,證明蘇建和三人的清白。期待透過新證據的提出,讓法官不必推翻舊判決,而是另外做出新判決。然而,就在義務辯護律師團排除萬難邀請到李昌鈺、吳木榮、石台平、黃提源等專家出庭作證的情況下,台灣高等法院官有明、陳世宗、蔡聰明三位法官組成的合議庭,還是在二00七年六月二十九日判決蘇案三位被告死刑。

經過五個月的奔走救援,終於爭取到最高法院在十一月一日撤銷死刑判決,將蘇案發回高等法院更為審理。最高法院在發回的理由中有四項重點:

  • (一) 扣案鑰匙一串、硬幣二十四元是否仍為證物?
  • (二) 法醫研究所的鑑定有許多問題,得否引為證據?
  • (三) 死刑判決推翻李昌鈺博士現場重建鑑定的理由前後矛盾。
  • (四) 就扣案菜刀與骨骸進行工具痕跡比對鑑定,是對被告有利的調查方法,應該實施。

以上這四點為蘇案更二審定下基本架構,也就是承審的合議庭必需重新檢視蘇案的證據清單,排除非本案的證物(如鑰匙)、非法取得的證物(如二十四元)以及不具證據能力的證據(如法醫研究所報告);並就犯罪現場重建鑑定、工具痕跡比對鑑定,做出發現真實的具體工作。

●蘇案更二審第一次、第二次開庭的進展

依據最高法院發回的意旨,義務辯護律師團在第一次開庭就聲請調查三項證據[2],(一)進行現場勘驗,以及犯罪過程重建。(二)進行扣案菜刀與骨骸進行工具痕跡比對鑑定(三)傳訊張中政(二十四元)、王文忠(不在場證明)等證人。並要求檢察官依法提出證據清單,指出證明被告有罪的證據方法。

檢方以全面反對的態度回應辯方的要求,開始攻擊李昌鈺、魏區、石台平,抺黑他們的人格,推翻自己在更一審時接受專家出庭作證的主張,聲稱這些專家的證詞都不具證據能力,不得作為審判的依據。可是面對辯方提出證據清單的要求,檢方卻強調卷內既有的證據,就可以證明被告犯罪,拒絕提出新的清單。

這些爭議經過檢、辯雙方激烈攻防之後,在第二次開庭結束時得到部份的解決。受命法官陳博志當庭諭示,合議庭三位法官評議決定接受律師團有關現場勘驗的請求,也願意配合李昌鈺博士返台的時間,安排現場勘驗的庭期。並將依照刑事訴訟法囑託鑑定人的規定,依法委任李昌鈺為鑑定人,解決檢方攻擊的證據能力問題。有關證據清單的問題,法官要求檢方以上次審判中所提的證據清單為基礎,如果有增刪必需在下次開庭前以書面提出,否則法院即舊有證據清單為審判的基礎。最後,受命法官要求下次三月二十日開庭前,辯方要提出現場重建的具體實施方案,檢方則要回報是否同意提供骨骸進行工具痕跡比對鑑定,以供法院決定其他未定的爭議。

●最佳的法律進修課程-蘇案法庭觀察

作為司法改革的試金石,蘇案的審判一直是經典的法庭大戲,以二00七年上半年包括李昌鈺博士在內,連續八位專家證人的出庭作證,就是打破司法交互詰問史的事例。又例如再審中長達三天的言詞辯論、更一審中秘密證人的隔離訊問、更二審即將進行的犯罪現場重建,都是精彩絕倫,不容錯過的歷史場景。

特別是,本次更二審的法庭觀察,蘇案平反行動大隊收集了許多建議,重新規劃了活動內容。每次開庭前,都會租用場地,先行播放「島國殺人記事」,講解案情大要,報告上次開庭的前情提要,讓之前沒有接觸過蘇案的朋友也能很容易的進入狀況。開庭時會安排小組長引導至法庭,並協助解決旁聽時碰到的問題。在開庭結束後,會邀請義務辯護律師和各界專家進行討論座談,回答與會者的疑惑,分享旁聽的心得。

總結過去的經驗,蘇案法庭觀察真的是最佳的法律進修課程。每一位前來旁聽的朋友,都能從過程中學到豐富的知識,體會到寶貴的經驗。我們真心地向社會推薦這個可以推動司法改革,可以進修法律常識,更可以救人性命的公益活動,邀請大家一起來做蘇案的民間陪審員。

 


[1] 易延友,陪審團審判與對抗式訴訟,第105頁。

[2] http://www.hsichih-trio.url.tw/rewrite.php/read-79.html 

 

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2009_0527_084528aa1

登載於聯合報,2009.6.12民意論壇A19版,編輯將題目修改為「陸配享繼承,人權的一小步」。此為原稿。

 

革命尚未成功:兩岸條例從零分進到五十分

廖元豪

(政大法律系助理教授、移民移住人權修法聯盟顧問、行政院人權推動小組委員)

 

立法院三讀通過了兩岸關係條例修正案,讓大陸配偶享有工作權與完整繼承權,取得身分證的年限也從八年縮短成六年。對於剛剛通過兩項重大人權公約與施行法的中華民國,這可說是第一份成績單。雖然為德不卒,陸配依然是次等移民,但至少是走出第一步了。

跨國移民研究者早已公認,對合法居住的移民,應保障其工作權並縮短定居設籍年限。而限制特定國家、地區人民的繼承權金額,則是國際少見的荒謬歧視規定。這次的小修,只不過勉強往「人權及格」靠近一點而已。

但這一小步,卻也可能象徵了一個新局面的到來。回顧1992年制定兩岸關係條例之時,解嚴不久的台灣社會對人權還沒有深刻的理解,對於即將開始的兩岸交流更是戒慎恐懼。而以仇中為政治資本的民進黨,執政期間簡直把大陸配偶當敵人看待。因此十多年來,兩岸通婚者的家庭團聚、平等保障、生活條件、人性尊嚴,可說是越來越糟。這次的小小進步,確是自從兩岸條例立法以來的「逆轉」!

然而,這些「新台灣人」的處境,從此就會日漸改善嗎?恐怕還有待觀察。大陸配偶的待遇,仍然連(同樣飽受歧視的)外籍配偶都不如。馬總統與陸委會賴主委一再宣稱「所有新移民平等待遇」,現在還差得遠。外配在法律上居留滿三年就可以申請歸化,陸配卻至少必須等六年。陸配沒有結社權、集會權、取得不動產的權利,而且還是會因為輕微違法而遭驅逐出境!甚至拿到了身分證,十年內也被當成「試用期的台灣人」,無法擔任任何公職人員。

事實上,民間團體早已在立院提出更完整、更平等的法律修正案,但在立法過程中卻完全得不到政府的支持。如果馬政府有心改變歧視措施,何不順勢而為多修幾條?明明有機會能從零分變成八十分,卻偏偏只願意交出五十分的成績單,「完全執政」的政府在顧忌些什麼?恐怕得交代清楚,才配賺到這「五十分」的功勞。

現在有個促使政府進一步修法的新契機,那就是剛剛通過,而馬政府也以此自豪的「公民與政治權利公約」。這個公約多處明文禁止一切基於「原國籍」而為的差別待遇。「原籍歧視」的禁止,是台灣一直忽視的重要人權原則:國家在處理移民事項時,不許歧視不同「來源國」的人。但在現狀下,同樣嫁來台灣,來自柬埔寨與來自大陸的人,待遇卻天差地遠,這無論如何都不符合公約的要求,也不符合二十世紀末至今的國際移民政策趨勢。更嚴重的,是這種歧視措施似乎在告訴世人:人的價值高低,繫諸於出身而非能力!這豈是任何民主國家所能容許的?

依據公約的施行法,各級政府應該在兩年內修正不符公約的法令。如此明顯重大的歧視法律,當然要改!人權公約與馬總統進步的人權宣言,究竟是真還是假,或許修正兩岸條例的誠意,就是一個檢驗標準。

 

 

 

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六四轉眼二十年,藍綠兩黨皆有應景之作,但大都乏善可陳。

民進黨譴責馬英九言詞不一、對中共太軟,說這已使台灣「民主倒退」。國民黨勉強守住「也希望中國走自由民主道路」的底線,但也只是擺個政治姿態罷了。跟港人相比,島內真正關心中國民主化者,實少之又少。

如果民進黨真心關切中國民主化,該做的不是繼續炒作「我就代表民主」的語言,而是更深切的反身自省。六四運動的一項主要訴求,不正是反官倒、反腐敗?而民進黨之所以失去政權,主因不正在於它自己被反了貪腐?

公元兩千年以降,對民進黨寄予厚望者,包括了許多對中國民主化有所期待的大陸同胞。然而,民進黨的實際表現卻是「民主也反不了貪腐」、「民主助長了非理性的民粹」。民進黨任內的民主倒退、極端的認同政治、法理台獨和去中國化等等,對中國民主化已產生了一定程度的「嚇阻」作用。

在國民黨重新執政之後,某種專替中共粉飾太平的藍色中國論述,也水漲船高。國民黨人士彷彿以為,中共走的正是過去國民黨所走過的道路:先搞經濟發展,再逐漸放寬對自由的限制,乃至更全面的政治自由化和民主化。因此,從「過來人」的角度「同情地理解中共的苦處」。

毋庸置疑,中共自改革開放以來,已取得重大經濟成就。但另一方面,中共極力防患於未然的,正是台式政治自由化和民主化。今日中國的權貴資本主義、其嚴重的社經不公正和結構性貪腐、由上而下的列寧主義政治體制、及其對政治自由的全面圍堵、對維權者的鐵腕鎮壓等等,與台灣的蔣經國後期完全是兩碼事。

中共為捍衛其一黨專政,遲不啟動政治改革。這使得種種社會怨懟無從漸漸緩解、政治壓力無從漸漸釋放,也勢將使中國的民主道路險阻重重。而如果國民黨連幾句「諍言」都說不出口,那還奢談什麼中國的自由民主?

經常被我們嘲諷的港人,更真誠地關心中國的政改前景,也更能感同身受地聲援、紀念六四的受難者。對照港人表現,民進黨的六四炒作太廉價,國民黨的小朝廷心態簡直窩囊。既然根本不關切中國民主化,卻還要如此消費六四鮮血,這恐已超過「虛偽」一詞所能形容。

 

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